By Jordi Fortuny

The syntactic component to the college of language is argued to be a rewiring of some independently inspired parts: good points, the conjunction of a successive operation of union-formation (‘Merge’) and of derivational documents (‘nests’), and ideas of research. because nests linearize terminals (Kuratowski 1921), Kayne’s (1994) LCA turns into dispensable. The learn of the way gains are ordered in discontinuous, analytic and syncretic styles, ruled by way of the entire Interpretation situation and the Maximize Matching results precept, presents an easy account for a number of syntactic phenomena, just like the C-Infl connection, convinced cartographic observations as a result of Cinque (1999), the A’-status of preverbal topics in Null topic Languages (Solà 1992), the relief of wh-island results in English while the embedded wh-phrase is a topic (Chomsky 1986) and the dynamic V2 styles in double contract dialects saw by means of Zwart (1993). the prospect that Comp-trace results derive from the contraction of the C-Infl discontinuity is explored and topic islands and wh-islands are derived from the Relativized Opacity precept, an alternative choice to Chomsky’s PIC.

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As expected, syntactic variation is reduced to the morpholexical specification of functional categories. From this we may conclude that the English negative marker has a hybrid status: it is a head that conveys a value of the illocutionary force feature but does not convey the [±embedded] distinction. This second property forbids the negative marker from appearing on C (only heads specified as [±embedded] can surface as complementizers), and thus forces the type feature responsible for hosting the negative marker to show up in an Infl-position in English.

Compare the temporal interpretation of the non-finite embedded sentences in (18) with that of the finite embedded sentences in (19). (18) a. Peter seems to be intelligent 40 THE EMERGENCE OF ORDER IN SYNTAX b. (19) a. a’. a’’. b. Peter seemed to be intelligent It seems that Peter is intelligent It seems that Peter was intelligent It seems that Peter will be intelligent It seemed that Peter was intelligent Finite embedded sentences in (19) show that the tense of the embedded clause selected by ‘seems’ can differ from the tense of the matrix clause, both morphologically and semantically.

B). b), in accordance with the idea that tense is bound by a higher tense in raising constructions. Therefore, in [-fin] contexts, tense is anaphoric and must be bound by a higher occurrence of tense, whereas in [+Fin] contexts can be free. (20) a. b. 3 Mood. c). These examples are extracted from Quer (in press). 3SG “They want her/him to resign” (Catalan) b. θélun (Greek) c. 1SG that-BY she “I wish that she should go” (21) a. PAST (Russian) In other languages mood inflectional particles co-occur with mood complementizers (Quer in press).

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